The incarceration of Gustl Mollath in a psychiatric hospital in Germany after he uncovered corruption in one of country s biggest banks has exposed serious flaws in the German justice system.
by Jane Burgermeister
Every week more proof emerges of how justice officials have turned the judicial system into a weapon to eliminate a whistle blower .
Many commentators on internet forums compare the Mollath case to the lynch justice in the DDR and Nazi Germany or even the anarchic Middle Ages.
Far from acting as the administrators of a justice system according to international norms, justice officials in Germany have been revealed to be agents of special interests, often criminal corporate interests .
Mollath's case is by no means an isolated case as I found out. (For detailed information on my case in Austria, see my birdflu666 blog.)
The similarities in the way Mollath and I were treated make it justifiable to speak of a template or standard approach used by justice officials to silence critics.
Evidence of (corporate) crimes was systematically suppressed in both cases. This paved the way for charges of paranoia and for pyschiatric confinement.
Mollath's allegations of tax evasion and money laundering were vindicated by an internal review by the bank involved, the HypoVereinsbank. The bank even fired those responsible, including Mollath's ex wife. But the bank report was suppressed by justice officials.
Instead of initiating an investigation with the detailed information on bank accounts he had given to state prosecutors, Mollath found himself classified as paranoid by those same justice officials and confined to a high security psychiatric unit in Bavaria in 2006.
Similarly, after I uncovered a Baxter virus hype and unsafe vaccine scandal in 2009, three attempts were made to confine me to a psychiatric unit in 2010 – despite the verifiable evidence, facts and documents I presented. Crucially,the governments of Ireland, Sweden and Finland have, in the meantime, admitted that the swine flu vaccine has caused significant neurological damage, especially among young people.
Instead of Big Pharma managers being held to account, I was very nearly confined to a psychiatric unit for paranoia by the very same elements in the Austrian government and Big Pharma complex which I had criticised. In my case, a researcher and doctor working for the government and funded by Baxter, spearheaded attempts to have me confined, starting in January 2010.
It has since emerged that Baxter's facilities in Austria were listed as a site critical to US security in US embassy documents embassy posted by Wikileaks. That strongly suggests the notion that it is a black op CIA site. It is reasonable, therefore, to ask whether puppet masters in the US government and CIA were pulling the strings of marionettes in Austria's government in my case.
The key thing which seemed to have saved me from confinement the moment I filed charges in April 2009 against Baxter for distributing 72 kilos of seasonal flu vaccine contaminated with the bird flu virus was the fact that I was working as a journalist at the time. Mollath, an engineer and Ferrari enthuasiast, was not. Journalists still enjoy some protection when they investigate issues in the public interest. I, though, soon found myself unemployed and unprotected.
Also helpful for me was that a Vienna state prosecutor started an investigation into Baxter, which lasted until September 2009. In Mollath's case, no investigation whatsoever was ever initiated into the tax evasion ring even after the HypoVereinsbank vindicated Mollath's allegations.
Both my case and Mollath's case show that the last vestiges of judicial independence, a key stone of any functioning justice system, have been eviscerated, and anyone who finds themselves targetted by a criminal justice system has to pray for publicity. Every part of the justice system -- the justice ministry, the state prosecutors, the appeal courts, and in Mollath's case, even the German constitutional court -- colluded to pervert the law and brutally eliminate critics.
There is plenty of evidence that network of judges, state prosecutors and other justice official work together systematically in a „monolithic“ conspiracy.
The psychiatrist, Dr Michael Wörthmüller, tasked, for example, by the Nürnberg court with assessing Mollath's mental health, was himself linked to the people implicated in the tax evasion ring. Mollath rejected him for this very reason, something which earned him the mockery of the Bavarian justice ministry, which chose to interpret this as further proof of Mollath's paranoia. Wörthmüller recommended another psychiatrist who went on to declare Mollath paranoid. Positive assessments of Mollath by two pyschiatrists were ignored by the court. In this way, the formal requirements of law were fulfilled to confine by force an innocent whistleblower, making a mockery of justice.
In both my case and Mollath's, the justice system has also abandoned every appearance of even-handedness and objectivity. They brazenly attempted to brow beat us in submission.
The Austrian justice ministry even filed defamation charges against me after I publicized my predicament. The defamation charges were a transparent ploy to bully me into silence and deny my fundamental right to a proper judicial process. The justice ministry was forced to drop these defamation charges in February 2011, so great was the proof that I was being persecuted for my role in uncovering the pandemic vaccine scandal .
Similarly blatant bullying played a role in denying Mollath justice. The judge holding the trial shouted down the hapless victim whenever Mollath brought up evidence of the tax evasion and money laundering ring his ex wife, an employee of the bank, was also involved in.
Judge Otto Brixner phoned a financial body and pressured them there was no need to investigate Mollath's claims because Mollath was paranoid. This before any court psychiatrist had even made an evaluation of his mental state. As a result of this and many other perversions in the judicial process, the cruel punishment of forced incarceration with drug treatment for life was inflicted on Mollath while those people implicated in the tax evasion and money laundering scandal got off the hook without even being questioned.
In both Mollath and my case, rapacious relatives or spouses were encouraged by justice officials to give false testimony, and for financial gain. Mollath's wife's allegations came after she was implicated in tax evasion by Mollath's charges and were given backing only by a doctor's certificate issued one year after the alleged event. Her motive for making the allegations – money – was never examined. The accusations took made fulfil the legal requirement that a person has to be classified as „dangerous“as well as paranoid in order to meet the conditions to be confined by force.
In my case, my brother joined forces with the justice officials to smear me at the very moment when he saw he could gain my share of my inheritance after my father died in mysterious circumstances in a Vienna hospital in 2009, and just days before I gave three talks in Poland on the vaccine dangers, including several interviews on mainstream Polish TV. My father's unexpected death started an inheritance process, which was managed by the local court in Hietzing, Vienna. Every trick was used by the court to plunder my property, put me under a court guardianship, strip me of my rights and ultimately ruin me. And my brother stood to benefit financially. He regularly visited the judge responsible for my case and worked hand in hand with her at every step. There always seems to be one relative or spouse who will play along out of greed.
The corruption goes to the very top of the justice apparatus. The Justice Ministry in Bavaria has played a key role in the perversion of justice in Mollath's case, and the way the Bavarian Justice Minister Beate Merk (CSU) manipulated facts about the Mollath case before the state parliament and the media has been widely commented on.
A youtube clip shows Merk breaking off an interview Report Mainz on 12 November 2012 after she finds herself facing unexpectedly tough questioning, so used is Merk to dealing with a compliant and uncritical corporate press.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?
The reports by Report Mainz and the Sueddeutsche Zeitung in the Mollath scandal has sparked hope that tiny buds of press freedom still survive despite the efforts of justice officials. It was the Munich state prosecutors who initiated the illegal questioning in September 2010 by their counterparts in Vienna of journalists working for News and Profil, who wereinvestigating the Hypo Alpe Adria banking scam, in another apparent attempt to use judicial terror to silence critics and bury evidence of crimes. Key revelations are now occurring on blogs, but bloggers do not have the same lobby or the same protection as corporate journalists. Those journalists who decline to manipulate facts to fit a corporate agenda -- something which was particularly obvious during the swine flu pandemic -- and who are shown the door, soon discover, as I did, that the right to free speech and the freedom of the press applies only to the mainstream media corporations churning out propaganda, and not to journalists doing classical, journalist fact-based research on blogs. At the time when I filed charges against Baxter for contaminating 72 kilos of seasonal flu vaccine with the bird flu virus in 2009, I had been working as a journalist for the mainstream media for years. But within weeks, I found myself without a job. Within months, I found myself the target for Kafkaesque perversion of all justice, something which could never have been attempted if I had been allowed to continue working as a journalist. The axing of Amber Lyon, a CNN reporter, another journalist who brought to light a scandal, has raised awareness of the perfidious nature of the personal attacks on journalists. The freedom of the press guaranteed in constitutions means nothing if individual journalists who investigate scandals in the public interest, are immediately fired by their corporate employees acting in collusion with corporate entities, and if these journalists then find themselves smeared, mobbed and singled out for persecution by corrupt justice officials. Without journalists and bloggers willing and able to investigate corruption, there will be many more scandals like the Mollath scandal, the Baxter pandemic virus and vaccine scandal. Perhaps the biggest scandal of all – the privatised money supply and the fractional reserve banking scam – will also continue. At stake in these scandals is not just people's health but also astronomical amounts of people's money. The public purse is being drained by money spent on unnecessary things like pandemic vaccines as well as on the treatment and compensation of the victims of these vaccines. The dimensions of the swine flu pandemic vaccine scandal alone were enormous. The World Health Organization had plans for the vaccination of virtually the entire globe's population, also under compulsion. Truly astronomical sums are also paid to private banks for interest on a privatised money supply when the solution is for the government to issue public money. IMF economists Jaromir Benes and Michael Kumhof published a study in August which demonstrated that a switch to public money supply would solve most of the debt problems of Europe, the UK and USA, as Ambrose Evans-Pritchard admitted in The Telegraph. Evans-Pritchard calls the idea revolutionary, but I have been one of the bloggers saying this for yonks. If we don't switch to public money soon, we will have to endure the collapse of the western economies as happened in the 1930s under the weight of interest and compound interest, which inevitably accrues in a privatised money system. We also risk the return of another dictator like Adolf Hitler who received significant support from the very bankers, who took virtually the entire tax revenues of Germany in the 1930s for interest payments on a privatised money system. As Mollath and my own case shows, we crucially also risk the re emergence of a fully fledged terror regime of the kind run by criminal justice officials in Nazi Germany to deal with critics. The corruption of the justice apparatus is an international problem, not just a German or Austrian one. The Jimmy Savile scandal shows how a well connected criminal – Savile had close personal links to Prince Charles, who gave a knighthood to Savile as well as to the CEO of a GlaxoSmithKline, a pandemic vaccine manufacturer – was able to get away with heinous crimes of rape and paedophilia for decades. Savile was even put in charge of a high security psychiatric hospital. What was the death rate among the inmates in Broadmoor hospital when Savile was in charge, one wonders? At a time when corruption has reached staggering proportions, attacks on the free press are intensifying around the world. The Leveson inquiry into press abuses in the UK has turned into an attempt to impose state regulation on the media. The Telegraph reported that a culture minister embroiled in an expenses scandal, issued a thinly veiled threat to the newspaper not to publish information about expenses claimed for her parent's houses, using her role in considering Leveson press regulation as a stick. UK journalists just need to look at my own case to see the kind of predicaments they could find themselves if state regulation is ever imposed on the press. Fortunately, Prime Minister David Cameron seems to be resisting the recommendations of the perfidious Leveson report. There are other signs of hope as well. One sign that judicial „murder“ will no longer be possible as easily in Germany, at any rate, is the outcry over the ill treatment of Mollath. The scandal could even eventually topple the CSU government in Bavaria. Another hopeful sign is the way the Austrian parliament has called on outside help from the FBI and German police after a cover-up by the entire apparatus of justice officials in Austria in the Kampusch paedophile affair. In addition, justice officials in Germany have recently arrested several top Deutsche Bank managers for their role in a tax scam. Unlike in 2010, there was no leak of a planned raid,suggesting justice officials are cracking down on corruption in their own ranks. In my own case, there are also signs of hope. The psychiatrist who refused to confine me in 2010 despite being offer inducements may soon win her case in court to get back her license. Her license was taken by the Austrian health ministry in 2010 in a highly irregular procedure: she was not even given the opportunity to answer allegations made by the very same government paid researcher who offered her inducements to confine me for paranoia. The way she has been targeted is particularly worrying because it underlines how the „network“ targets anyone who helps a whistle blower. The lawyer who represented me during my inheritance battle was also mobbed out of her job within weeks. I have also reported on my birdflu666 blog how corporate boss Frank Stronach rang the solicitor handling the sale of my flat in Vienna the day after I signed the contract, and offered him the job of justice minister. In return for what favour, one wonders? One thing is certain: I experience difficulties I never could have dreamt of before I uncovered the Baxter virus and pandemic vaccine scandal. One worker from Oberbarnim in Brandenburg threatened to have me confined by the Vienna state prosecutor if I complained about work paid for but not done by him on my new flat in Berlin. It is a strange idea and I wonder where it came from. What next? Positive is the public support I have received. The researcher who kept making illegal attempts to confine me, Lukas Kenner, was also charged by an Austrian police inspector, and though the court case is taking far too long, I am confident of justice in the end. Nevertheless, we still have a long way to go before we can restore a fair justice system and press freedom.
